MetaKnigel If the Rule is Broken–Break It.

Hiding Bumping Uglies Behind Silver Screens: Media Underrepresentation and Misrepresentation of the Elderly

Written by: Knigel Holmes

Abstract

The global media immensely influences culture through implicit and explicit communication; therefore, the media is responsible for representing various demographics. As the elderly population increases, so too does the focus on its representation in the media. Advertisers, political campaigns, and health industries are only but a few of those gaining more interest in the elderly. Conflicting interests change how the media interprets social issues of the elderly; however, up to this date, the media seems to have a negative bias against seniors and aging. Reflecting on problems of underrepresentation and ageist stereotypes, this paper analyses psychological research and media samples to explore how both Western and Eastern media represent the elderly. The results of this analysis show that although the elderly are becoming one of the largest demographics, they are also one of the most underrepresented, negatively portrayed, and homogeneously stereotyped groups in the media. In the rare instances that the media does present the elderly, the media often depicts both the young-old and the old-old as stereotypes instead of as diversified individuals. Moreover, with sexuality a gauge of progressive thinking, the near silence on geriatric sexuality within traditional media transitioning into a nascent discussion within contemporary media demonstrates attitudinal changes throughout segments of global culture. Geriatric sexuality remains taboo; however, newer media trends, while not without their own stereotypes, challenge earlier notions. The conclusions recommend using the media as an educational tool for correcting detrimental media and social conduct.

 Introduction

An analysis of global media and psychological research reveals that various media tend to misrepresent and underrepresent older demographics. Advertisements, magazines, television, film, to mention a few; all contribute to a simulacrum of our global society by basing their fictions on figments of reality. The myths that the media creates draws from real social facts as well as false notions that individuals and groups hold. Previous schemas contributed to the rise of modern media; however, media constantly goes through reinterpretation creating a recursion of notions back into society. Those who create media draw on their own ideas of what it means to be old; however, once in the vehicle of the media, these ideas potentially influence society until these ideas influence reality. Currently, both Western and Eastern media distributes a bipolar interpretation of the elderly while giving respect and admiration to the aged only so long as they remain within prescribed roles. At the same time, while demonstrating a superficial respect, the media simultaneously portrays the elderly negatively and hides pariahs such as the old-old. Although psychological research shows that the media does not fairly represent the older population, contemporary media samples reveal that cultural perceptions, mores, and taboos have been changing through and by modern media. Yet still in the minority, various media have introduced controversial instances that go against older traditions. With society and the media ignoring geriatric sexuality for so long, we gain special insights from any media communicating these issues and the following social reaction. Moreover, while the media is much deserving of serious critiques regarding its representation of the elderly, the media is not without possible solutions and benefits.

Analysis and Discussion

Notions of old age and the elderly begin at the earliest stages of child development through acculturation. Television teaches children gender and social roles by exposing them to a variety of characters in a range of situations (Gerbner, 1997). The ubiquitous Disney franchise, for instance, may not deserve as much trust as parents give because Disney’s cartoons may teach children negative aging stereotypes (Robinson et al., 2007). Disney is rampant with evil old witches and grumpy old dwarves while having few elderly heroes or main characters. In a 1984 study, researchers Bishop and Krause determine the nature and extent of aging and old age material in early 80s children’s United Statian television programming by analyzing 106 cartoons. The findings suggest that the children’s programming framed aging negatively even while not a dominant theme. These negative images, while infrequent, arguably reinforce cultural stereotypes of aging. Moreover, in a later study, Montepare and Zebrowitz (2002) present a detailed analysis of developmental literature indicating children learn age prejudice very early. Structural social changes such as the extended families unit becoming nuclear families and grandparents out of contact with grandchildren leave the influence of the media, peers, and parental attitudes to influence children about older people. This means that younger people gain a more ageist and negative idea of the elderly. Birren (2000) reinforces this idea by suggesting that preconceived notions of aging are handed down to offspring while media hands up programming developed for younger audiences to older viewers. These media adopt stereotypical views of old age. Ageist stereotypes, disguised as myths, bias our perceptions of being old (Thornton, 2002). This ageism is far from being a new trend. According to Mulley (2007), both historical and modern imagery such as sculpture, painting, poetry, literature, and film reinforce negative aging stereotypes leaving an impression that aging is a lonely, depressive, and physically deteriorative time; however, contrary to the realities, these images exaggerate and distort the truth. These notions continue infiltrating contemporary media. Williams and Giles (1998), for example, discuss how media portrayals of the elderly reinforce pervasive and negative stereotypes depicting the elderly as frail, weak, unattractive, and useless with older women suffering from a “double jeopardy” of ageism as well as sexism. Alas, consequences compound as sources of prejudice increase. At the same time, while society appreciates the elderly as worthy and deserving, the communication to the elderly is also patronising, depersonalised, and disrespectful while creating eccentric, mockable, and vulnerable archetypes (Healey & Ross, 2006).

The media commonly casts older adults in negative stereotypes or overly positive archetypes. In an older 1982 study, Buchholz and Bynum analyse 1,703 New York Times and Daily Oklahoman articles between 1970 and 1978 finding that elderly depictions are not as negative or passive as some previous media critics had suggested, yet at the same time, the newspapers did not cover the aging story meaningfully. Contrary to this study, evidence reveals that while some media might not exaggerate negative elderly depictions, multiple forms of media indeed do. In a similar study from 1984, Nussbaum and Robinson investigate media portrayal of aging examining 50 randomly selected magazines during the 1970s finding the articles reinforce negative stereotypes. Evidently, while there are exceptions, a broader sample illustrates that negative stereotypes appear throughout the media in multiple forms.

Advertising is especially prone to ageism. As an illustration of misrepresentation, researchers Lee, Carpenter, and Meyers (2007) examine a comprehensive set of television advertisements from different networks and times finding the elderly appear in 15% of the advertisements with older women underrepresented relative to men and elders appearing less frequently on youth-oriented networks as well as in the evening. The elderly also play more incidental roles in advertisements and promote a circumscribed, stereotyped set of products and services. These characters within advertisements portray overwhelming positive traits and attributes. For instance, since society generally has an aversion to wrinkles, baldness, and general dowdiness, television uses simple indicators, such as grey hair, to show old age. Media characters often look young-old with the exception of their hair (Davis, 1985). While the media willingly ingratiates the elderly when seen as potential consumers, both negative and condescending positive portrayals likely shape attitudes of the elderly and aging. Unfortunately, the elderly more often appear as homogeneous stock characters than as individuals of a diverse group. This homogeneous representation is a notable systemic issue in scientific research as well (Robinson & Skill, 1995).

Not only does the media present the elderly as generic stereotypes, but it also draws the negative and patronising images from underrepresented populations. In fact, in the U.S. media—a media that reaches around the globe—the older adult is one of the most underrepresented demographic groups (Dail, 1988). Analysing primetime programmes from 2002-2003 in the U.S., Lauzen and Dozier (2005), examine recognition and respect given characters in varying demographics. Despite United Statians 60 and older constituting 18% of the population, this study finds that only 4% of major characters are from this elder demographic. Moreover, leadership and occupational power increase with age only up to the age of 60 with middle-age males more likely than their female counter-parts to be in these roles. Similarly, Cassata and Irwin (1997) identify and code 328 characters from 45 hours of 1994 U.S. programming finding that 75% are between the ages of 20 and 50 while only 16% over 50. Similar to primetime programming, daytime television keeps a neither too young nor too old age distribution. Contrasting the real-life population, daytime television underrepresents the over 65 demographic. Furthermore, taking ethnicity into the equation, only 6% of the total number is non-Caucasian, leaving an even more skewed impression of reality. This theoretically creates a “triple-jeopardy” for non-Caucasian older women since they are the most vulnerable to becoming invisible and alienated in the media.

While some media is directed to the general population, other media directly bombards the elderly with persuasive and manipulative messages. 7up, for example, advertises their product as an invigorating drink able to give new life to the lethargic elderly. Messages directed to the elderly, contrasting messages within the general media, cause mixed messages that increase confusion. Despite the immense amount of negative aging stereotypes in media, some advertisements focus on evoking familiarity and positive attitudes in older consumers. Advertisers use techniques such as appealing to old times since sensitivity to nostalgia triggers seem to increase with age (Kusumi, Matsuda, & Sugimori, 2010). Advertisements not only use fear of death and sickness to sell products, but also use positive imagery such as health, family, and nostalgia. When selling life insurance, advertisers such as Raymond James go against the usual depiction of the old and frail elderly instead making them more attractive and youthful.

Unfortunately, mass media and advertisements, with all of these mixed messages, may increase elders’ risks for chronic disease, reduced physical activity, and undesirable nutritional food choices (Wadsworth & Johnson, 2008). These are risks to consider since as the aging demographic increases, advertisers are more likely to target the elderly. Drug companies, for instance, have been increasing advertisement expenditures in the U.S. and increasing research in how the elderly interpret the messages (Poe, 2007). Advertisers navigate tricky issues such as how to not make upper-income elderly feel certain advertising insults their intelligence while also reaching middle-income elderly who are less likely to hold such notions of condescension (Burnett, 1991). Different advertising works on different demographics; this is why more politically oriented attention is going into various elder demographics. As the aging demographic increases so too does the political advertising directed to and portraying the elderly. Candidates are attempting to attract more seniors in their political campaigns (Kaid & Garner, 2004). While some media does focus on creating positive images of the elderly, a majority of the depictions remains negative.

Problems of representation are neither singular nor are they confined. The elderly are not only underrepresented and negatively portrayed in Western media, but also in Eastern media. For instance, Lien, Zhang, and Hummert (2009) analyse 109 episodes of primetime Taiwanese drama examining portrayals of aging and the intergenerational interaction involving the elderly. Content analysis reveals infrequent appearances of male and female older characters while also in less prominent roles. The elderly who do appear are cognitively sound and physically healthy while also explicitly discussing age and linking it to death and despondence to influence younger characters. Elder characters communication behaviour includes supporting, superiority, controlling for elders, and reverence/respect for youngers. These portrayals reinforce Chinese age stereotypes, traditional filial piety values, and age hierarchy. Comparatively, Cuddy, Norton, and Fiske (2005), following a previous understanding that United Statians stereotype the elderly as warm, incompetent, and low status, extend research into discussing whether the elderly stereotypes are unique to U.S. culture. The researchers use data from six non-U.S. collectivist countries including Hong Kong, Japan, and South Korea, demonstrating consistent elderly stereotypes across the various cultures. Likewise, researchers Lee, Kim, and Han (2006) analyse cross-cultural content of 2,295 U.S. and 1,436 South Korean primetime advertisements to examine differences in the depiction of elders between the two cultures. In both countries, advertisements underrepresent the older generation in proportion to their actual population. According to the findings, older people tend to play in more major roles while also depicted more positively in Korean advertisements than United Statian. The researchers suggest cultural values influence advertising contents while mentioning similar problems of underrepresentation and stereotyping of the elderly in both cultures. Chinese commercials, similar to Western commercials, present a mixed view of aging depending on the product being sold (Zhang, Song, & Carver, 2008). Beatty (2010) states “[a]geism is a multidimensional form of discrimination involving social, economic, and cultural components”. According to Beatty’s cross sectional study of European-American and Asian American college students examining individualist and collectivist attitudes towards the elderly, ageism is both socially and culturally related.

Individualism and collectivism, nevertheless, may be the differentiating factors between Eastern and Western media. Cho et al. (1999) compare individualism-collectivism, time orientation, relationship with nature, and contextuality in US and South Korean television commercials with a cross-cultural study sampling 253 U.S. and 235 South Korean major broadcast commercials airing in 1995. While both countries are present time oriented with individualism and collectivism prevalence, U.S. commercials display more individualism and South Korea displays more collectivism. Moreover, the U.S. commercials use more direct approaches while the Korean commercials use more metaphor and stress oneness-with-nature. The differences of individualism and collectivism in each culture may influence how society perceives the elderly; however, although there seem to be a few differences, such as the Asian emphasise on filial piety, over all evidence suggests that both Western and Eastern cultures have more similarities than differences in the negative stereotypes and underrepresented populations of the elderly.

Both cultures seem to offer a superficial respect and admiration for the elderly as long as the depictions and behaviours are within circumscribed roles. Specifically, in an experiment involving 55 college students, less competent elders receive higher ratings of being warmer than the more competent elders. This suggests that there is a certain degree of infantilization of the elderly. People give positive attributions to the elderly when they are seen as needy and incompetent instead of when they are seen as contributing members of society. The elderly are given the utmost respect if they remain in their grandparent, non-sexual, needy, gentle, and reserved stereotypes. Moreover, society seems to have a strong aversion to seeing signs of death, sickness, and ageing unless produced in a sterilised and artificial manner. Both Eastern and Western societies hold such taboos and repression of elder individuality. In some degrees, a few Western cultures may be further along in progressive thinking about the elderly compared to the more conservative Eastern societies; however, evidently the degree is not too significant.

South Korea is notorious for its transfixion with attractiveness and “lookism” which gives priority to youth and a creates social pressure to get plastic surgery; however, while South Korea might be more blatant, the worldwide media is responsible for creating ageist and sexist roles that contribute to low self-esteem and poor body image. Few, if any, countries can escape the glossy and manipulated images of the unattainable idyllic beauty. While the aging population is increasing, commercial imagery does not seem to be keeping pace with the trend and does not represent the actual population (Hajjar, 1997); for example, critics question the advertising industry’s hesitancy to use older models. Content analysis of British advertisements finds that general publications underrepresent people over 50 years old in advertisements while publications directed towards the elderly overrepresented them in advertisements (Carrigan & Szmigin, 1999). Mass media seems to particularly underrepresent older women in the U.S. and depicts them negatively while rarely casting them in major or fully developed roles (Vasil and Wass, 1993). According to Markson and Taylor’s 1993 study, only 27% of all winners for Best Actress since 1927 were over the age of 39 while men of the same age reached 67%. Furthermore, the “third age” is almost completely invisible, yet of the few representations, the media portrays the aged as tokenistic and thinly drawn even though the actual population is quite large (Healey & Ross, 2006).

Moreover, television portrays older people less often while more likely to be ill than younger characters. Viewers who watch more television have complacency regarding health, poor nutritional knowledge, and believe the elderly population to be diminishing (Signorielli, 1983). Health related and anti-aging products likely impact negative body image (Wadsworth & Johnson, 2008). According to Kjaersgaard (2005), females succumb to the myth of skin-deep beauty and self-worth dependent on physical appearance. Television underrepresents older women; however, at the same time it displays a positive image of women growing older creating a distorted view of reality compared with the other demeaning images. This positive image of women growing older places stress on the female when she feels that she does not compare to the advertised images. Instead of realising that there is something unrealistic about the media, many women internalise the differences as something wrong with themselves. Television gives females both distorted and negative views while also constructing schemas of what it means to be female and especially what it means to be an older woman. Females internalize stereotypes potentially limiting their lives and social contributions; therefore, both men and women suffer from these obsolete and damaging images. This warped view of womanhood promotes ageism and sexism. Even subtle camera techniques contribute to false representations; for example, researchers find that in some Germanic media, the elderly not only appear less frequently, but the camera distances the older people while zooming in closer to the younger actors (Kessler, Schwender, & Bowen, 2010). Moreover, these kinds of skewed representations may influence middle-aged females to feel more bodily dissatisfaction leading to the decision of cosmetic surgery (Slevec and Tiggemann, 2010). Cowan (1984) investigates the aging double standard by having undergraduates read scripts of a fictitious man and woman in a romantic relationship and then asking the undergraduates to judge potential compatibility. With the only differing variables being the ages and roles of the couple, subjects judge a relationship with an older woman least potentially successful. Similarly, Halliwell and Dittmar (2003) suggest a double standard of aging where aging males may view their aging bodies either neutrally or even positively, while aging females are prone to perceiving aging impacts on appearance more negatively.

As society becomes more progressive, many of the previous stereotypes change through social attitudes. Bell (1992) analyzes portrayals of aging in five 1989 primetime television programmes: Murder, She Wrote, The Golden Girls, Matlock, Jake & the Fatman, and In the Heat of the Night, each with a central elderly character. Results contrasting earlier television stereotypes indicate that the 1989 samples portray the elderly as less comical, stubborn, eccentric, and foolish while instead portraying them in more positive stereotypes such as more powerful, affluent, active, admired, and sexy. Through these changes, society is in a constant negotiation of how the elderly should be represented in the media. Competing ideals surface throughout the depictions; for example, postmodern thoughts permeating our media create a humour that ironically uses stereotypes as well as serious geriatric issues such as ageism. This type of humour supposedly has a licence to be sexist, racist, and/or ageist. Proponents suggest that this ironic humour helps break down the negative stereotypes by making them offensive. Blakeborough, for one, explains how portrayals of aging in The Simpsons may be ageist and stereotypical, but are also possibly positive as they subvert the same stereotypes and offer an inversion of meaning (2008). This Golden Girls scene, for instance, demonstrates a humoristic approach of taboo breaking and subverting ageist stereotypes. Conversely, Harwood and Giles’ 1992 study discusses how progressive television shows such as The Golden Girls overlap age marking and comedy. The show may provide a mixed message as it theoretically perpetuates aging stereotypes by using laughable counter-stereotypical portrayals. Cohen (2002) examines perceptions of older female stereotypes in television programmes by showing 2 episodes of The Golden Girls to 19 graduate students aged between 20 and 50 then forming focus groups to discuss stereotypical and realistic messages within the programmes. According to the results, subject’s agreement remains incongruent with no reachable conclusion on if the shows reinforce or challenge stereotypes and if behaviours are positive or negative. The researchers conclude that television reflects social discourse regarding aging by giving unchallenged portrayals of older women and their lives.

With these controversies surrounding how the media could reflect on previous interpretations of aging and sex, progressive attitudes in the global media have been able to introduce new media that contradicts previous norms and traditions. While there does seem to be little research into media representations of elder sexuality, sexuality is arguably one of the main indicators of progressive thinking regarding the older generations in the media. Geriatric sexuality in the media is the gauge that reveals how open a culture is regarding discussing issues surrounding old age. While sexuality is certainly not the only marker, and comes with many caveats, it is an essential lens to view such a broad issue.

Sexual discussion in society is a thermometer of liberal thinking and open-mindedness. Conservatism and traditionalism tend to make this subject invisible. While much of geriatric sexuality remains hidden in today’s society, there is an increasing number of instances where this form of sexuality is not only present, but also bold. Perhaps in its repression, the media presents issues in a more extreme manner. At the same time, what may seem extreme may seem extreme merely because of our acculturation. This is important in and of itself since a marker for a shift of prejudice is not when the tokensic character is added, but when the situation is so normal no one requests a token. Bildtgard (2000) elucidates on how popular culture imagines elderly sexuality. Through deconstruction and identifying rules of representation guiding and limiting how elder sexuality is depicted in film, Bildtgard identifies how elder sexuality is packaged producing bolder representations of their sexuality. While still very much in the minority, the media has challenged previous norms of elderly sexuality. From the West, films such as Cocoon (Twentieth Century Fox, 1985) or Something’s Gotta Give (Meyers, 2003) and television series such as The Golden Girls (Harris, 1985) open up dialogue on sexual topics regarding the elderly. Even in more sexually conservative countries such as South Korea, explicitly sexual films such as Too Young to Die (Park, 2002) break the taboo of graphic sex between elders appearing on screen. Similarly, the romantic tearjerker Late Blossom reveals that even the Korean elderly have romantic involvements. Films such as these contribute to social commentary questioning the strong norms in South Korean society. Emphasising these fracturing norms, Late Blossom actor, Lee Soon Jae, states that “Young people might be under the illusion that life is over after turning 60, but the heart doesn’t change despite getting old. Not understanding their feelings would be a failure of television dramas, movies and even elections” (Kwon, 2011). Too Young to Die (Park, 2002), specifically, is an excellent example of how the negative stereotypes behind social mores embed themselves into laws. The film first received excellent reviews and Korean government grants to help release the film into Korea; however, even though Korean government film censorship was abolished in 1995, a civilian board took its place and was responsible for rating Too Young to Die as restricted; meaning that it could only be played in special adult theatres—theatres which did not exist. Luckily the restrictions were overturned with the compromise that the sexually graphic scenes be darkened (Paquet, 2005). It was not the actual eroticism that caused the restrictions, but the fact that it was seniors participating in the sexual escapades (Macintyre, 2002).

Japan, too, has its aged sexual vanguard. Shigeo Tokuda, for example, is a famous elderly porn star pushing the boundaries of stereotypes of senior sexuality (Toyama, 2008). While Tokuda’s brand of pornography is undoubtedly merely a fetish to many, we must ask ourselves why senior citizen sex is confined to abnormal sexuality. Surely a social revulsion or disgust to old people having sex is not a rational measure for discrimination. While there is nothing wrong with seeking what personally attracts us, there does seem to be something irrational about placing our own preferences above everyone else’s. In reality, one’s revulsion or disgust is a personal psychological issue and not an acceptable motivation for controlling censorship, government policy, or law. As a rational society, we must be willing to drop our double standards and accept that the media will sometimes expose us to images that are not our usual taste. Moreover, the media serves society better as a learning tool that helps deconstruct prejudices and negative social attitudes.

The media undoubtedly has multifaceted negative social influences; however, television also has a potential to be therapeutic including modeling roles dealing with aging (Pritzker, 2007). The increasing aging population is substantially influencing uses of mass media and how the media portrays the elderly (Hilt and Lipschultz, 2005). The demographic shift of greying generations is raising concerns about future elderly needs as well as contributing to changing public personas of the elderly. The traditional representation of the frail older person is now complemented with newer representations of the remarkably younger older person (Hodgetts, Chamberlain, & Bassett, 2003). With these studies in mind, abandoning the media is impractical; therefore, finding solutions to reduce the negative aspects ought to be the main objective. Birren (2000) describes how society’s age pyramid is flipping upside down as people are now living longer, breeding less, and retiring sooner resulting in institutional assumptions of society going out of date. Birren predicts that as life expectancy increases, people will age in new ways. For example, society will change to accommodate and serve an aging population as people recognise their potential to live a fuller life later than before. These trends will create new occupations and businesses while psychology fields will broaden. It seems to be true that there are overwhelming negative connotations of old age while many ageist terms are also doubly offensive since they are both ageist as well as sexist. Deprecatory language linguistically mirrors the persuasive social ageism; however, to reduce these problems, the media could establish voluntary guidelines for language (Nussel, 1982). There is a need for diverse, balanced portrayals of older adults in media such as magazines (Kaiser & Chandler, 1988). Certainly, to provide a more accurate and positive image of older women on television, the media should provide more diversity of both female and male elderly people to shift the conceptual paradigm enhancing the journey through life for everyone (Kjaersgaard, 2005). Moreover, teachers could also provide new ways of teaching about aging while also emphasising the issue. There are newer interactive methods of teaching topics regarding aging (Whitbourne & Collins, 1999). For example, the teachers could use primetime animation as a pedagogical device for engaging students in aging issues (Curch, 2010). Teachers could also help the elderly and even other students keep diaries of their television viewing impressions to raise awareness of elderly stereotypes and infrequency of portrayals (Donlon, Ashman, & Levi, 2005). There are also opportunities for workshops training individuals on sexual health, education, effects of aging on sexual health, and so on (Walz & Blum, 1986). Healthcare workers, especially, must understand ageism and ageist stereotyping while becoming aware that age discrimination has physical, mental, and emotional consequences (Nemmers, 2004); therefore, we should urge societal demand through the media to combat lack of policy action and to pass current legislation necessary to prevent identify, and treat such problems as elder abuse of which society and policymakers currently overlook (Leedahl & Ferraro, 2007). Society should seek a better understanding of sexual and emotional needs because even nursing home staff display discomfort at expressions of sexuality between residents (Kennelly, O'Neill, O'Brien, 2011). To combat aging myths suggesting that old age is a social problem, we should also improve medical care by extending geriatric medicine teachings while also focusing on research (Mulley, 2007).

Conclusion

All in all, with its tremendous influence on society, the media has an obligation to moderate how it represents older adults. To correct current detrimental conditions, institutions governing media creation ought to design guidelines for reducing ageism. At the same time, media consumers must encourage media creators to better represent older adults while criticising atavistic behaviour. Given the reticulated fusion of media and culture, all of society must participate in debunking individual non-conscious prejudices while also orchestrating pro-social campaigns against ageist media. This is not to advocate placing legal restrictions on free speech, but instead to advocate removing legal restrictions and social mores while also agitating for critiques of negative attitudes. Of course, the media is the best antidote against its own poisons. As mentioned, the media is a spectacular teaching tool able to educate such a massive and diverse audience. Contemporary media is fully capable of teaching the critical teaching skills necessary for challenging irrational cognitions such as those reinforcing stereotypes. Similarly, artistic endeavours challenging social norms should receive incentives such as grants while also given unrestricted distribution. Overall, freedom of speech is essential for a rational and enlightened society; therefore, we must actively strive to make all voices fairly heard. In the end, if anything is to be learned from this research, it is absolutely crucial to understand that media underrepresentation and misrepresentation are very real problems. The first step is to become aware of this social fact. We simply have to get used to ideas such as our dear old grandparents bumping wrinkled uglies.

References

Beatty, A. G. (2010). Social contact with the elderly and degree of collectivism as correlates of ageism in Caucasian and Asian-American populations. The Chicago School of Professional Psychology, U.S.A.

Bell, J. (1992). In search of a discourse on aging: The elderly on television. The Gerontologist, 32(3), 305-311.

Bildtgard, T. (2000). The Sexuality of Elderly People on Film-Visual Limitations. Journal of Aging & Identity, 5(3), 169-183.

Birren, J. E. (2000). Using the gift of long life: Psychological implications of the age revolution. Psychology and the aging revolution: How we adapt to longer life (pp. 11-19). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; US.

Bishop, J. M., & Krause, D. R. (1984). Depictions of aging and old age on Saturday morning television. The Gerontologist, 24(1), 91-94.

Blakeborough, D. (2008). "Old people are useless": Representations of aging on The Simpsons. Canadian Journal on Aging, 27(1), 57-67.

Buchholz, M., & Bynum, J. E. (1982). Newspaper Presentation of America's Aged: A Content Analysis of Image and Role. The Gerontologist, 22(1), 83-88.

Burnett, J. J. (1991). Examining the media habits of the affluent elderly. Journal of Advertising Research, 31(5), 33-41.

Carrigan, M., & Szmigin, I. (1999). The representation of older people in advertisements. Journal of the Market Research Society, 41(3), 311-326.

Cassata, M., & Irwin, B. J. (1997). Young by day: The older person on daytime serial drama. Cross-cultural communication and aging in the United States (pp. 215-230). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers; US.

Cho, B., Kwon, U., Gentry, J. W., Jun, S., & Kropp, F. (1999). Cultural values reflected in theme and execution: A comparative study of U. S. and Korean television commercials. Journal of Advertising, 28(4), 59-73.

Cohen, H. L. (2002). Developing media literacy skills to challenge television's portrayal of older women. Educational Gerontology, 28(7), 599-620.

Cowan, G. (1984). The double standard in age-discrepant relationships. Sex Roles, 11(1-2), 17-23.

Cuddy, A. J., Norton, M. I., & Fiske, S. T. (2005). This Old Stereotype: The Pervasiveness and Persistence of the Elderly Stereotype. Journal of Social Issues, 61(2), 267-285.

Curch, L. M. (2010). Using primetime animation to engage students in courses on aging. Gerontology & Geriatrics Education, 31(4), 361-382.

Dail, P. W. (1988). Primetime television portrayals of older adults in the context of family life. The Gerontologist, 28(5), 700-706.

Davis, R. H., & Davis, J. A. (1985). TV's image of the elderly: a practical guide for change: Lexington Books.

Donlon, M. M., Ashman, O., & Levy, B. R. (2005). Re-Vision of Older Television Characters: A Stereotype-Awareness Intervention. Journal of Social Issues, 61(2), 307-319.

Gerbner, G. (1997). Gender and age in primetime television. Perspectives on psychology and the media (pp. 69-94). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; US.

Hajjar, W. J. (1997). The image of aging in television commercials: An update for the 1990s. Cross-cultural communication and aging in the United States (pp. 231-244). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers; US.

Halliwell, E., & Dittmar, H. (2003). A Qualitative Investigation of Women's and Men's Body Image Concerns and Their Attitudes Toward Aging. Sex Roles, 49(11-12), 675-684.

Harris, Susan. (1985). The Golden Girls. Touchstone Television. U.S.A. Retrieved from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0088526/

Harwood, J., & Giles, H. (1992). `Don't Make me Laugh': Age Representations in a Humorous Context. Discourse & Society, 3(4), 403-436.

Healey, T., & Ross, K. (2006). Growing old invisibly: Older viewers talk television. Decoding discrimination: Papers from a conference held at University College Chester, November 2002 (pp. 46-74). Chester, United Kingdom: Chester Academic Press; United Kingdom.

Hilt, M., & Lipschultz, J. H. (2005). Mass media, an aging population, and the baby boomers. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers; US.

Hodgetts, D., Chamberlain, K., & Bassett, G. (2003). Between television and the audience: Negotiating representations of ageing. Health: An Interdisciplinary Journal for the Social Study of Health, Illness and Medicine, 7(4), 417-438.

Toyama, Michiko. (2008). Japan’s Booming Sex Niche: Elder Porn. Time Magazine. Received from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,1818203,00.html

Twentieth Century Fox (Producer), & Howard, Ron (Director). (1985). Cocoon. U.S.A. Retrieved from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0088933/

Kaid, L. L., & Garner, J. (2004). The Portrayal of Older Adults in Political Advertising. Handbook of communication and aging research (2nd ed ) (pp. 407-421). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers; US.

Kaiser, S. B., & Chandler, J. L. (1988). Audience responses to appearance codes: Old-age imagery in the media. The Gerontologist, 28(5), 692-699.

Kennelly, S., O'Neill, D., & O'Brien, J. G. (2011) Elder abuse in residential care. The Lancet, 377(9771), 1076.

Kessler, E.-M., Schwender, C., & Bowen, C. E. (2010). The Portrayal of Older People's Social Participation on German Primetime TV Advertisements. Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences & Social Sciences, 65B(1), 97-106.

Kjaersgaard, K. S. (2005). Aging to Perfection or Perfectly Aged? The Image of Women Growing Older on Television. Featuring females: Feminist analyses of media (pp. 199-210). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; US.

Paquet, Darcy. (2005). Too Young to Die. Koreanfilm.org. Received from http://www.koreanfilm.org/kfilm02.html#tooyoung

Kusumi, T., Matsuda, K. E. N., & Sugimori, E. (2010). The effects of aging on nostalgia in consumers' advertisement processing. Japanese Psychological Research, 52(3), 150-162.

Kwon, Mee Yoo. (2011). Blossom portrays love in twilight years. Korea Times. Received from http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/art/2011/02/141_80850.html

Lauzen, M. M., & Dozier, D. M. (2005). Recognition and Respect Revisited: Portrayals of Age and Gender in Primetime Television. Mass Communication & Society, 8(3), 241-256.

Lee, M. M., Carpenter, B., & Meyers, L. S. (2007). Representations of older adults in television advertisements. Journal of Aging Studies, 21(1), 23-30.

Leedahl, S. N., & Ferraro, F. (2007). Why is elder abuse overlooked? Media and ageism. Psychology and Education: An Interdisciplinary Journal, 44(1), 1-9.

Lien, S.-C., Zhang, Y. B., & Hummert, M. L. (2009). Older Adults in Primetime Television Dramas in Taiwan: Prevalence, Portrayal, and Communication Interaction. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, 24(4), 355-372.

Macintyre, Donald. (2002). A Well-Wrinkled Romance. Time Magazine. Received from http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,391583,00.html

Markson, E. W., & Taylor, C. A. (1993). Real versus reel world: Older women and the Academy Awards. Women & Therapy, 14(1-2), 157-172.

Meyers, Nancy. (2003). Something’s Gotta Give. Warner Brothers. U.S.A. Received from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0337741/

Montepare, J. M., & Zebrowitz, L. A. (2002). A social-developmental view of ageism. Ageism: Stereotyping and prejudice against older persons (pp. 77-125). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press; US.

Mulley, G. (2007). Myths of ageing. Clinical Medicine January/February, 7(1), 68-72.

Nemmers, T. M. (2004). The Influence of Ageism and Ageist Stereotypes on the Elderly. Physical & Occupational Therapy in Geriatrics, 22(4), 11-20.

Nuessel, F. H. (1982). The language of ageism. The Gerontologist, 22(3), 273-276.

Nussbaum, J. F., & Robinson, J. D. (1984). Attitudes toward aging. Communication Research Reports, 1(1), 21-27.

Park, Jin Pyo (Director). (2002). Too Young to Die. South Korea. Received from http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0333692/

Poe, P. Z. (2007). "Health-media literacy" for the elderly: A symbolic interactionist analysis of how older persons perceive health information and marketing in prescription drug advertisements. Poe, Pamela Z : Temple U , US.

Pritzker, S. R. (2007). Audience flow: Creativity in television watching with applications to teletherapy. Everyday creativity and new views of human nature: Psychological, social, and spiritual perspectives (pp. 109-129). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association; US.

Robinson, J. D., & Skill, T. (1995). Media usage patterns and portrayals of the elderly Handbook of communication and aging research (pp. 359-391). Hillsdale, NJ, England: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc; England.

Robinson, T., Callister, M., Magoffin, D., & Moore, J. (2007). The portrayal of older characters in Disney animated films. Journal of Aging Studies, 21(3), 203-213.

Signorielli, N. (1983). Health, prevention and television: Images of the elderly and perceptions of social reality. Prevention in Human Services, 3(1), 97-117.

Slevec, J., & Tiggemann, M. (2010). Attitudes toward cosmetic surgery in middle-aged women: Body image, aging anxiety, and the media. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 34(1), 65-74.

Thornton, J. E. (2002). Myths of aging or ageist stereotypes. Educational Gerontology, 28(4), 301-312.

Vasil, L., & Wass, H. (1993). Portrayal of the elderly in the media: A literature review and implications for educational gerontologists. Educational Gerontology, 19(1), 71-85.

Wadsworth, L. A., & Johnson, C. P. (2008). Mass media and healthy aging. Journal of Nutrition for the Elderly, 27(3-4), 319-331.

Walz, T. H., & Blum, N. S. (1986). Sexual health for older adults. Aging, 353, 23.

Whitbourne, S. K., & Collins, K. (1999). Employing interactive learning methods in a course on the psychology of aging. Teaching of Psychology, 26(1), 48-49.

Williams, A., & Giles, H. (1998). Communication of ageism Communicating prejudice (pp. 136-160). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc; US.

Zhang, Y. B., Song, Y., & Carver, L. J. (2008). Cultural values and aging in Chinese television commercials. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 18(2), 209-224.